On the morning of April 30, 2026, the investigative platform Hondurasgate — operating from Switzerland in collaboration with Canal Red, the Spanish television outlet, and its written platform Diario Red — released the first in a series of 37 audio recordings extracted from WhatsApp, Signal, and Telegram exchanges between some of the most powerful political figures in the Western Hemisphere.
By the time the final files were released on May 6, they appeared to expose a transnational conspiracy of staggering scope: a coordinated effort, allegedly financed by multiple governments, to influence the Honduran election, return a convicted drug trafficker to political power through the purchase of US presidential pardon, and transform the Central American country into a strategic US-Israeli asset. Then, through diverted Honduran public funds, extend the same operation across the region, targeting the progressive governments of Latin America. All of it planned and agreed, in explicit terms, in the voices of the conspirators themselves.
Despite claims by figures supportive of the Honduran government that the recordings are AI-generated, the audios were subjected to rigorous forensic authentication using the Phonexia Voice Inspector programme before publication: a nine-step protocol producing SHA-256 hashes, acoustic biometric indicators, and an AI-synthesis probability verdict for each file, with the full technical dossier made publicly available. According to the platform’s methodology, any file below a 10% AI-synthesis probability and above an 80% confidence threshold was classified as authentic human speech, a standard designed to neutralise voice cloning, deepfakes, and hybrid synthetic audio. The chain of custody is transparent; every file is downloadable and independently verifiable.
The recordings offer a rare look into how the Reactionary International operates across borders, and serve as a near-perfect case study in how it actually operates: its financing, its media infrastructure, its electoral manipulation, and its geopolitical logic. This is a Honduran story only in the sense that Honduras is where the threads of this network were most publicly exposed, and where now — following the electoral coup of 2025 — its people suffer its most punishing consequences. Pull any one of those threads, and you find yourself digging into a network that runs through Washington, Buenos Aires, and Tel Aviv.
I. The Cast: A Network in Their Own Words
The recordings reveal an alleged plot and series of secret agreements involving Honduran President Nasry Asfura, former President Juan Orlando Hernández — convicted of drug trafficking and sentenced to 45 years in a US federal court before being pardoned by Donald Trump in December 2025 — Argentine President Javier Milei, and the US and Israeli governments, among others.
The recordings also implicate Honduran Vice President María Antonieta Mejía, National Congress President Tomás Zambrano, Electoral Councilor Cosette López-Osorio, and Jorge Cálix — a former member of the progressive Libre party, now a congressional deputy and, as the audios suggest, a key operator of the right wing inside the Honduran Congress. Cálix’s presence in the recordings is among the most troubling details in the full dossier: it points to the penetration of the Reactionary International’s network not only into the governing right but into figures who crossed over from the left, raising serious questions about the depth of the operation’s reach inside Honduran institutions.
The conversations are remarkable for their candour. In one of the most revealing audios, dated January 30, 2026, former President Hernández instructs Asfura from the United States: “I need you to send about 150,000 dollars to Rosales’ account — we’re going to set up an office to create a digital journalism unit. This will be managed by someone from the President of the United States’ team. They’re going to set up a news site where important data about Manuel Zelaya and Xiomara Castro will be released.” Asfura responds by offering additional transfers from a “friend’s” account, drawing on resources from Honduras’s Secretaría de Infraestructura y Obras Públicas (SIOP) — public money, diverted to a foreign disinformation operation run out of the United States. In other words: Honduran infrastructure funds, redirected to a propaganda unit serving Trump’s political agenda.
In another exchange, Hernández instructed congressional president Zambrano, apparently at Washington’s behest, not to hesitate in applying “any kind of violence.” “In Honduras, we need strength, we need logistics, we need blood. If you want to keep people controlled, you need to oppress them. Squeeze them. Counter violence by generating violence. It’s what President Trump says.” He also invoked infamous Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar.The exchange portrays Hernández, recently pardoned after his US conviction, discussing the consolidation of his political control in Honduras with senior government officials.
"In Honduras, we need strength, we need logistics, we need blood... Counter violence by generating violence. It's what President Trump says." — Juan Orlando Hernández, in leaked audio
In a January 20 voice note, Hernández said that “the prime minister of Israel is going to support us”, and in a March 14 message he credited the financing of his pardon to “a group of rabbis and from people who supported Israel.” And in yet another exchange, Hernández told Zambrano directly: “I sent you the people of Israel, they sent you money. I’m the one doing the lobbying.”
Here, Hondurasgate makes its most stunning revelation, one that has yet to be covered by major newsrooms in the country where these transactions took place: Donald Trump sold a presidential pardon. A man convicted of importing tons of cocaine into the United States walked free not because justice was reconsidered, but because a foreign government paid for his release. The pardon — one of the most powerful instruments of executive power in the American constitutional system — was, according to these recordings, a transaction.
II. The Architecture: How the Operation Works
What emerges from the recordings is not a single isolated operation, but an interconnected political system — financial, informational, electoral, territorial, and coercive — and a near-perfect case study in the full-spectrum strategy of the Reactionary International.
Financing the Operation
A communications team was to be assembled and financed with public resources from Honduras, contributions from Javier Milei’s network, and Israeli funding, exceeding half a million dollars in total. The money flows through multiple channels: direct transfers between presidential offices, diversions from Honduran public institutions, and commitments brokered across international calls. In one exchange, Hernández and Milei agree to an additional $350,000 for destabilising operations. This is state money — extracted from Honduran social security, amplified by Argentina and Israel — redirected toward political operations targeting sovereign democratic governments elsewhere in the region.
The Israeli contribution does not exist in isolation. It is one thread within a far larger web. Israel's 2026 national budget allocates approximately $730 million for public diplomacy — known by the Hebrew term hasbara — nearly five times the $150 million allocated the previous year, itself already a twentyfold increase on pre-Gaza war spending.[1] That budget financed, among other things, a contract of at least $9 million with former Trump campaign strategist Brad Parscale to influence how AI portrays Israel[2], a multi million campaign to influence evangelical church attendees[3], and the Esther Project, a paid influencer network compensating participants $7,000 per pro-Israel post. [4] The sums flowing through Honduras represent a small operational component of a much larger geopolitical influence infrastructure. At this scale, money is fungible: the same pot that funds Latin American political operations funds hasbara globally, through a network of contractors and intermediaries that renders the question of origin largely unanswerable. In practice, the line between public diplomacy, political messaging, and direct political intervention becomes increasingly difficult to distinguish
That same pot of money, the recordings suggest, also funded a presidential pardon. This is the detail that the political press has been most reluctant to follow to its logical conclusion. Suspicions that Trump has been selling pardons, or granting them in exchange for political and financial considerations, have circulated since early 2025. Hondurasgate provides the most explicit documented evidence yet that those suspicions are well-founded. If a foreign government financed the release of a convicted drug trafficker in exchange for political access and regional influence, then what has been treated as a legal act of executive discretion is, in substance, a corrupt transaction.
Media Infrastructure as a Political Weapon
The so-called “digital journalism unit” was designed to operate from the United States to avoid detection, preparing “files” against the governments of Mexico, Colombia, and Honduras’s outgoing leftist administration. This is a condensed example of how transnational right-wing media ecosystems increasingly operate: a nominally independent news operation, staffed by operatives linked to the Trump administration, funded by diverted public money, designed to produce political ammunition disguised as journalism. The communications team was reportedly planning to launch a coordinated media offensive against the governments of Gustavo Petro in Colombia and Claudia Sheinbaum in Mexico.
This model is not new. Argentine-born Fernando Cerimedo — who served as a campaign operative for Asfura, and who has performed the same role for Milei in Argentina and Rodrigo Paz in Bolivia [5]— also runs La Derecha Diario, a far-right digital outlet that has become a key node in the Reactionary International’s regional information ecosystem. The Hondurasgate recordings suggest the planned journalism unit was designed to operate along similar lines: ideologically aligned, and financially camouflaged. The same approach Cerimedo deployed to claim a stolen election for Bolsonaro in Brazil in 2022[6] — that Brazilian federal police later concluded was part of a broader plot to keep Bolsonaro in power — is now being systematised and internationalised.
Territorial Reconversion
The recordings go beyond political operations into a comprehensive plan to physically restructure Honduras as a US-Israeli strategic asset. The agreements include the expansion of Employment and Economic Development Zones (ZEDEs) — special economic zones that effectively cede national sovereignty to foreign legal systems — the construction of a new military base on the island of Roatán, a Centre for the Confinement of Terrorism in Tegucigalpa modelled on El Salvador's CECOT, and a transoceanic train project awarded to General Electric. In an audio from February 10, Asfura confirms that a group of investors has already approved these projects, which deliberately excluded Chinese firms. "The Chinese were bidding. But we are not going to give in." In practice, Honduras is being converted into a forward operating base, for a US-Israeli axis in direct competition with China for regional dominance. The ZEDE model, which the leftist Xiomara Castro government had begun to dismantle as a violation of Honduran sovereignty, is being resurrected. The base at Roatán would join Palmerola as a second major US military installation on Honduran soil. In the recordings, Honduran sovereignty is treated as subordinate to broader geopolitical and economic objectives.
Electoral and Judicial Manipulation
Before the election, Asfura had gone out of his way to distance himself from Hernández. He "was president of the Republic, the party is not responsible for his personal actions," Asfura told the AFP.[7] Two days before polls opened, Trump pardoned Hernández. Asfura went on to win by less than a point: with Trump's endorsement, and his explicit threat to cut off Honduras financially if anyone else won. [8]
The recordings suggest Asfura’s victory was viewed internally as part of a longer-term political project tied to US and Israeli regional interests: Asfura wins the seat, and prepares the ground for Hernández to stand again in the next electoral cycle. These records reveal that Trump’s moves were part of a plan to return the former president to power. Voice messages from Asfura following private meetings at Mar-a-Lago make the coordination explicit. This is electoral interference with the explicit goal of changing Honduras’ geopolitical alignment.
The scheme's internal logic is confirmed by Asfura's own vice president. "We're ready," Mejía tells Hernández. "Four more years — we have to start saying it again right now. The people love President Juan Orlando. They need him in Honduras." A sitting vice president, coordinating with a convicted drug trafficker, to return him to power. Institutional capture, in their own words, on behalf of foreign interests.
That pardon deserves particular scrutiny. It arrived two days before election day, functioning as an electoral intervention in its own right, signalling to Honduran voters the depth of Trump’s investment in Asfura’s victory. But the recordings suggest its significance goes further. Hernández had been promised release; Israel had financed the lobbying; Roger Stone had organised the access; and Trump had signed the document. Each actor in this chain received something in return. The question of whether Trump has been selling pardons is no longer speculative. Hondurasgate provides the receipts.
Religious Mobilisation
Hernández instructs Zambrano — himself the most prominent evangelical within the ruling coalition — to align all religious congregations so that “people forget the past. And that they think it was the left who did that.” Pentecostal churches in Honduras have previously mobilised their parishioners in massive marches against the previous government, organised in coordination with the Honduran Council of Private Enterprise, combining corporate and clerical power into a single street-level instrument.
Pentecostal networks appear throughout the recordings as an important mechanism for political mobilisation, whose true authors and beneficiaries are nowhere near the street. This religious mobilisation is simultaneously authentic and manipulated: the pews are full of people with genuine grievances, but the sermons are shaped by pastors whose agenda is geopolitical.
III. The Israeli Dimension: A Strategic Project
The most significant revelation in the Hondurasgate recordings, the one with the most profound implications for understanding the Reactionary International's global architecture, is the centrality of Israeli state involvement. The audio files document a deliberate regional strategy, corroborated by an extraordinary sequence of public events that preceded and accompanied the leak.
The forensic analysis confirmed that in an initial recording, Hernández mentions that his pardon was financed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and involved lobbying from Republicans, with prominent Trump political advisor Roger Stone supposedly responsible for organising the key meetings. According to the leaked conversations, Hernández’s return to Honduras and all the logistics of reinstalling him in the presidency would be financed by Israel. If successful, Hernández would become Trump’s main political operator and Israeli advocate in the region, turning Honduras into a strategic area of military, logistical, and economic operations for the United States.
Israel's history in Honduras is long. Through the 1970s and 1980s, Honduras became a regional centre for US anticommunist efforts, with Israel supplying the fighter jets, armoured vehicles, assault rifles, and patrol boats that flowed into the country as it served as a launchpad for US-backed counter-insurgency across the region. Hondurasgate documents the modern iteration: where earlier interventions relied on explicit force, this one deploys subtler tools — disinformation operations, special economic zones, diplomatic realignment — and reveals, for the first time in recorded conversation, how the contemporary deals are struck and who pays for them.
The connective tissue between these operations runs through a single figure who straddles both the Israeli hasbara infrastructure and the Latin American far-right campaign network: Brad Parscale. The New York Times reported in December 2025 that Parscale’s Buenos Aires-based consulting firm Numen — co-founded with Argentine operative Fernando Cerimedo — advised Asfura’s presidential campaign, providing the data infrastructure and voter-targeting architecture. “Brad set up all the infrastructure that I work with,” Cerimedo has claimed. Numen had previously worked for Milei’s Argentine campaign and for Rodrigo Paz’s successful 2025 Bolivian campaign, which ended two decades of socialist governance in La Paz. [9] The same operational template — microtargeting, algorithmic manipulation, fraud allegations prepared against anticipated unfavourable results — was deployed in each case.
Parscale also registered under the Foreign Agents Registration Act after the Israeli Foreign Ministry signed a contract with his firm to attempt to influence how AI systems depict the country. The contract ran concurrently with his work for Asfura’s campaign. While the funding streams were formally separate, the overlap in personnel and infrastructure is notable. Rather than operating through isolated campaigns, these networks appear to rely on shared consultants, technical systems, and political relationships deployed across multiple countries.
This context makes the behaviour of Asfura’s government in the weeks before and after taking office newly legible. Shortly after his election victory was declared, Asfura visited the residence of Israel’s ambassador to Honduras, a move described as unprecedented in the country. Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar was among the first foreign officials to congratulate him, inviting the president-elect to Israel and describing 2026 as the “Year of Latin America” and an opportunity to reset relations after four years of tension under the previous leftist government. Be
Before even being inaugurated, Asfura made Israel his first foreign destination, meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, President Isaac Herzog, and Saar himself. The trip coincided with a visit by US Senator Lindsey Graham, who separately met with Herzog. Asfura then travelled directly to Washington for meetings with Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick, and other senior Trump officials. Taken together, the sequence of meetings underscored the close alignment between Asfura’s incoming government, Israeli officials, and Trump-aligned Republicans, as his itinerary was effectively a map of the network that brought him to power.
However, Honduras is far from an isolated case, nor is it limited to Latin America alone. In the weeks before the publication of the Hondurasgate recordings, foreign interference scandals implicating Israeli-linked actors erupted across two European democracies.
Slovenia — an EU member state whose government had recognised Palestine and consistently criticised Israel's conduct in Gaza — was subject to foreign interference ahead of its national elections. The Israeli parastatal spy firm Black Cube, previously known for targeting victims of Harvey Weinstein, allegedly visited the country several times, with operatives reported in the vicinity of the headquarters of the opposition SDS, led by far-right former prime minister Janez Janša. Black Cube was reportedly responsible for releasing materials in early March that sought to tie the incumbent government to corruption. [10] While revelation of the scandal temporarily boosted centrist incumbent prime minister Golob in the polls, the right wing ultimately secured a parliamentary majority. Janša, who had previously benefited from Orbán-aligned efforts to consolidate media ownership in the country[11], is likely to return to power with the support of a vaccine-sceptic party. The episode's aftermath was telling: Slovenia declined to join the ICJ case against Israel led by South Africa, citing supposed security risks arising from its reliance on Israeli cybersecurity infrastructure.[12]
Simultaneously, candidates from the left-wing La France Insoumise were targeted by a disinformation operation during municipal races in Marseille and Toulouse. During the first round, a coordinated smear campaign in Marseille falsely accused mayoral candidate Sébastien Delogu of rape and violence; in Toulouse, a separate campaign accused François Piquemal of child abuse. The bot networks promoting both campaigns had also amplified content from Elnet, a pro-Israel lobbying organisation registered in France. [13] In the second round, fake ads designed to discredit LFI were published on online platforms during the legally mandated pre-election silence period. [14] Neither candidate prevailed, but given how close the election in Toulouse was, these influence operations may well have very well changed the outcome. The targeting of LFI is notable but not surprising: the party has been among the most vocal in the French political mainstream in opposing Israel's conduct in Gaza.
These cases show how governments and political movements that adopted strong positions on Gaza quickly become subject to reported disinformation campaigns and foreign interference involving actors linked to Israeli political networks.
The regional ambition is explicit. The Netanyahu government is banking on upcoming elections in Brazil and Colombia to deliver friendlier governments, given that Latin America has been among the regions most stridently opposing Israel's conduct in Gaza. Cerimedo and Parscale had already helped elect Rodrigo Paz in Bolivia, whose government subsequently withdrew from the Hague Group, which works to uphold International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court rulings against Israel, on the day of its most consequential meeting. The pattern across Honduras, Bolivia, and now Brazil and Colombia is one of systematic intervention: the reshaping of Latin American governments through targeted electoral interventions, coordinated by the same operatives, financed by the same pools of money.
Israel's strategic calculus, as one analyst put it to Mondoweiss, is "to try and entrench ties over the long run, so that even if there is a change of government in Honduras, or elsewhere, they can still be very present in those countries." [15] The recordings make clear that this entrenchment is financial, operational, and explicitly oriented toward the suppression of progressive governments across the region. Hondurasgate documents a continental strategy: the systematic conversion of Latin American states into dependencies of a US-Israeli axis, using money, media, military infrastructure, religion, and organised crime.
IV. The Legal Reckoning: What the Audios Establish
The Hondurasgate recordings document specific acts that are, on any reasonable reading of applicable law, straightforwardly criminal.
The diversion of funds from Honduras’s public infrastructure budget to finance a foreign disinformation operation constitutes embezzlement of public resources. The coordination of transfers between heads of state for the purpose of destabilising sovereign democratic governments constitutes criminal conspiracy and potentially interference in the internal affairs of those states in violation of international law. The explicit threats of “prison or death” against Electoral Councilor Marlon Ochoa constitute criminal intimidation. The instruction to apply “any kind of violence” to maintain political control constitutes incitement.
And then there is the pardon. Legal scholars and opposition figures have raised for months the possibility that Trump has been granting pardons in exchange for financial or political consideration. Hondurasgate is the first case in which the payment side of that transaction appears to be documented in the voices of the recipients. If the recordings are authentic, and the forensic analysis strongly suggests they are —,hen the pardon of Juan Orlando Hernández was not an exercise of executive mercy. It was a commercial transaction between a sitting US president and a foreign government, in which a convicted narco-trafficker’s freedom was exchanged for political influence and financial consideration. Under US law, the sale of a pardon constitutes bribery. That the buyer appears to be a foreign sovereign does not make the transaction legal. It makes it a potential act of corruption at the highest level of the American state.
Beyond the specific acts, the recordings establish something more structurally significant: an international conspiracy against the Latin American left, involving political coordination, financial support, and media influence, that has already impacted elections in the region and attempted to create political instability for democratically elected presidents. The conspiracy is documented in the voices of its participants, authenticated by forensic analysis, and corroborated by the public record of events — pardons, state visits, congressional appointments, and the withdrawal of Honduras from The Hague Group on the very day of its most important meeting — that the audios explain.
What distinguishes Hondurasgate from the accumulated record of reactionary interference in Latin American democracy is the granularity of the evidence. We have known, in general terms, that these networks exist. What has been missing, until now, are the conversations themselves: the operational discussions, the financial instructions, the explicit statements of intent, in the voices of the people giving the orders. That is what the 37 audios provide. And it is why they matter far beyond Honduras.
V. The Counter-Attack: Servers Under Fire
The response to the Hondurasgate publication has been, in its own way, as revealing as the recordings themselves.
On May 8, 2026, the Hondurasgate investigative portal reported nearly 40,000 attack attempts on its servers in a single day. The geolocation data attached to those attempts showed a clear and directed pattern: the attack vectors were concentrated specifically in the United States and Israel. Drop Site News, which independently reported on the attacks, noted the timing: the assault came at the precise moment the recordings were gaining international traction, covered by Middle East Eye, El País, Naked Capitalism, Peoples Dispatch, and a growing number of major outlets across the hemisphere.
The attackers did not succeed in taking the portal down. But the attempt is itself a data point, and a significant one. Sustained, geolocated cyber-attacks on a journalistic platform, originating from the countries named as principals in that platform's most explosive investigation, raise significant questions. They are, at minimum, a pattern that demands the same investigative rigour as the audio files themselves. At maximum, they constitute further corroboration of the recordings' central claim: that the network documented in those 37 audios has the means, the motive, and the operational capacity to respond to exposure with force.
39,618 attack attempts in a single day. Geolocation data shows the vectors concentrated specifically in the United States and Israel. — Hondurasgate, May 8, 2026
For investigative journalists and digital security researchers, the attack telemetry is itself a dataset. The Hondurasgate team has made it public. It warrants analysis with the same seriousness as the audio files. The Reactionary International, it turns out, does not just operate through pardons, wire transfers, and instructions on encrypted messaging apps. It also operates through the suppression of the evidence.
VI. The Wider Pattern: A Node in the Reactionary International
Hondurasgate is a window into an architecture that demands systematic mapping. Every element documented in these recordings corresponds to a structural feature of the Reactionary International that investigators, journalists, and jurists across the world are beginning to identify in their own contexts: financial flows running between state actors and political operatives across borders; media infrastructure designed to manufacture political reality; judicial and electoral manipulation designed to make elections consequential only when they produce the right result; religious networks providing mass mobilisation cover for elite political projects; security and territorial arrangements converting small states into strategic assets; and the coordinated targeting of progressive governments from Mexico to Colombia to Honduras itself.
The recordings also confirm what the most rigorous analysts of the global right have long argued and struggled to prove: the Reactionary International is a network — with financing, operational planning, and shared objectives — whose participants communicate, coordinate, and make explicit agreements about how to divide the work. What was once dismissed as conspiratorial is now available to download, verify, and play back in the voices of the conspirators themselves.
The consequences have already changed the trajectory of the Latin American continent. A convicted drug trafficker walks free because a foreign government financed his pardon. A sitting president diverts social security funds to a disinformation operation designed and staffed by allies of the US president. A vice president coordinates the manipulation of the next electoral cycle while her government mobilises Pentecostal congregations to provide it with popular cover. A small Central American country is being colonized — its economic zones, its military installations, its judicial system — to serve the strategic interests of powers in Washington and Tel Aviv. These are the material, lived consequences of the Reactionary International's operations. They fall, as they always do, most heavily on those with the least power to resist them.
The significance of Hondurasgate lies precisely in its granularity. We have known, in general terms, that these networks exist. What has been missing are the conversations themselves — the operational instructions, the financial transfers, the explicit statements of intent — in the voices of the people issuing the orders. That evidentiary gap has long allowed the Reactionary International to operate in the space between what can be demonstrated and what can be proven. These 37 audios narrow that gap considerably.
The task now is to close it entirely: to build the investigative coalitions, legal strategies, and political will required to hold these networks to account. Hondurasgate shows that the architecture of the Reactionary International is knowable, its financial flows traceable, its participants willing to incriminate themselves in their own words. The recordings are an invitation, and a challenge, to take the work of exposure and accountability with the full seriousness that the stakes demand.
All audio files and forensic dossiers are available at hondurasgate.ch. This investigation draws on reporting by Canal Red, Diario Red, El Ciudadano, El País, Middle East Eye, Naked Capitalism, Peoples Dispatch, Mondoweiss, Le Monde, Politico, Drop Site News, The New York Times, and Criterio.hn. The Hondurasgate platform’s forensic methodology is publicly documented and independently verifiable.
Additional Sources:
[1] Elis Gjevori, “Israel to pour $730m into propaganda arm amid reputational crisis,” Middle East Eye, May 01, 2026. Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/israel-pour-730m-propaganda-gaza-genocide-iran-war-turns-it-pariah
[2] A. Isenstadt, “Trump alum helps Israel mount AI influence campaign,” Axios. Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://www.axios.com/2026/04/25/israel-ai-influence-parscale
[3] Nick Cleveland-Stout, “Israel wants to pay US pastors a stipend to spread the word.” Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://responsiblestatecraft.org/israel-geofencing-churches/
[4] Nick Cleveland-Stout, “Israel is paying influencers $7,000 per post | Responsible Statecraft,” Responsible Statecraft. Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://responsiblestatecraft.org/israel-influencers-netanyahu/
[5] “MAGA’s man in LatAm,” The Economist, Dec. 09, 2025. Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2025/12/09/magas-man-in-latam
[6] Mercenarios digitales, “The shady story of Cerimedo, the advisor to South America’s Trumpist right wing.” Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://contracorriente.red/en/2023/07/31/the-shady-story-of-cerimedo-the-advisor-to-south-americas-trumpist-right-wing/
[7] AFP, “Trump vows to pardon ex-Honduran president, ruling party blasts election interference,” Yahoo News. Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://uk.news.yahoo.com/trump-announces-pardon-honduran-ex-100648205.html
[8] Democracy Now!, “Trump Meddles in Honduran Election & Vows to Pardon Ex-President Jailed in U.S. for Drug Trafficking,” Democracy Now! Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://www.democracynow.org/2025/12/1/honduras_election_joh_pardon
[9] K. P. Vogel, D. C. Adams, and J. Nicas, “Trump’s Former Campaign Manager Assisted Honduran Presidential Candidate,” The New York Times, Dec. 04, 2025. Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/03/us/politics/brad-parscale-trump-honduras-asfura-pardon.html
[10] Ali Walker, Sebastian Starcevic, and Antoaneta Roussi, “Black Cube, leaked tapes and corruption: Israeli spy firm crashes Slovenia’s election,” POLITICO. Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://www.politico.eu/article/black-cube-leak-tape-corruption-israel-spy-firm-slovenia-election/
[11] P. Kingsley, “Safe in Hungary, Viktor Orban Pushes His Message Across Europe,” The New York Times, Jun. 04, 2018. Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/04/world/europe/viktor-orban-media-slovenia.html
[12] Emma De Ruiter, “Slovenia decides against joining ICJ case against Israel amid scandals,” euronews. Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://www.euronews.com/2026/03/20/slovenia-decides-not-to-join-icj-case-against-israel-as-political-scandals-deepen
[13] F. Reynaud, G. Rof, and D. Leloup, “French radical left mayoral candidates targeted in disinformation campaign,” Le Monde, Mar. 10, 2026. Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://www.lemonde.fr/en/politics/article/2026/03/10/french-local-elections-radical-left-candidates-targeted-in-disinformation-campaign_6751301_5.html
[14] Noa Schumann, “French municipal elections hit with foreign interference allegations,” euronews. Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://www.euronews.com/my-europe/2026/04/02/french-municipal-elections-hit-with-foreign-interference-allegations
[15] A. M. Monjardino, “Meet Nasry ‘Tito’ Asfura, Honduras’s new Christian Zionist president of Palestinian descent, who is looking to deepen ties with Israel,” Mondoweiss. Accessed: May 09, 2026. [Online]. Available: https://mondoweiss.net/2026/03/meet-nasry-tito-asfura-hondurass-new-christian-zionist-president-of-palestinian-descent-who-is-looking-to-deepen-ties-with-israel/
